Sunday, February 7, 2021

CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN #10

 The Celtic Church in Britain #10


Monasticism


by Leslie Hardinge (1972)

  





     Monasticism did not originate in the Celtic west, nor was it

devised fully developed. It evolved through centuries of

experimentation and adaptation. Anthony founded Christian

monachism in the opening decade of the fourth century. He

stressed the semi-eremitical life. The cenobitic community was

launched into the Church by Pachomius (c. 315), who also made

southern Egypt the centre of his work. A house for women was

first established by the sister of Pachomius. Palladius, the

chronicler of monachism, left a vivid picture of Egyptian

monasticism in 390. Some toiled in garden and field, sowing and

tending the vineyards; others worked at building, cutting logs

and shaping stones; still others went quietly about the tasks of

weaving, cooking, and maintaining the machinery of the

settlement. Then at three o'clock each afternoon, Palladius

reported, one might "stand and hear how the strains of psalmody

arise from each habitation, so that one believes that one is high

above the world in Paradise. They occupy the church only on

Saturday and Sunday."


(Interesting to note Saturday was a "church day" also - yes the

7th day was observed as well as the 1st day, the resurrection of

Christ day - Keith Hunt)


WHY MONACHISM


     Several factors encouraged the practice of monachism. The

attempt to escape the Decian persecution drove some Christians

into the desert. A desire to live in piety far from a pagan society 

led others to seek solitude. While Gnostics regarded the flesh as 

intrinsically evil, orthodox Christians considered its weaknesses 

to be incitements to sin. Some ardent souls resolved that its 

passions should be subjected to the will, and the distracting images 

of the mind destroyed.

     Many expedients were used. Some practices had their

inspiration in Brahminism, while others were devised by

quasi-Jewish sects. Across the centuries Christians borrowed

these techniques for selfmastery and modified them. Celibacy was

increasingly regarded as an important attainment. At first

embraced by few, asceticism gradually came to be a way of life

for more and more men and women. When asked why he acted 

as he did, Macarius, the desert brother replied, "Tell them, 'For 

Christ's  sake, I am guarding the walls.'" Severe fasts were 

endured by some  desert monks. Dorotheus, for instance, ate only 

a few ounces of  bread and a handful of herbs each day. The motto 

of the masochist  in subduing his body was epitomized, "It kills me, 

I kill it."


(It was all wrong self-flagation - the beating of the physical

body in various ways - it had already been brought in by the

church of Rome, and hence came into the Celtic church - Keith

Hunt)


     The abandonment of all possessions was adopted to break the

hold of the world upon the soul. Some lived as recluses. The

hermit Serapion the Sidonite had only a cloth to cover himself;

others went naked; and a few attempted to rest without bedding.

Occasionally the ascentic went without sleep for days, while he

spent his time in prayer. By curious ways the saints sought to

slay the flesh. Macarius, in penance for having killed a mosquito, 

sat nude in the marshes for six months to be stung. Pachon slept 

naked in a hyena's lair. Unable to endure their self-inflicted ordeals 

a few even went insane. 


(What the mind of man invents to supposedly be "more religious"

or to think it is more Christ like if the physical body is

punished in various ways - so was and is, the false Christian

religions of this world - Keith Hunt)


     John Cassian was the propagandist of the ideas and ideals of

monachism. He wrote his "Institutes" for those who would war

against the passions of the flesh, and his "Conferences" to

encourage a life of contemplation. His writings had a wide and

profound influence. But in spite of all this even by the fifth

century there were no orders of monks; standards of cenobitism

and asceticism were not fixed, as witness Sulpicius Severus'

remark, "Overeating in Greece is gluttony; in Gaul it is a matter

of course." Each monastery was autonomous. The abbot regulated

the affairs of his colony as he and the brethren agreed. Even the

monk within the settlement might act as he wished regarding his

personal property and the form of austerity he practised. As late

as 420 Palladius remarked that he considered it was indeed better

to live freely as a monk than to have to submit to the constraint

of a vow.


THE START


     About 350 Martin is believed to have founded the first

monastery in the west, near Tours. Caesarius established his

community at Arles. Fifty years later Honorius and his friends

chose to live at Lerins. It was here that Eucherius built a hut

for himself and his wife. No rules have survived to depict life

in these settlements. Each community in Gaul was independent.

Martin lived in a wooden hut by himself, while some eighty of his

followers chose caves in the hill near by. Each pursued his own

road to holiness.


     Athanasius (+ 373), writing to a monk named Draconitius to

persuade him to accept a bishopric, left a description of the stage 

to which the philosophy of monasticism had developed in his

part of Christendom:


     You may still, after you are made a bishop, hunger and

     thirst with Paul, and abstain from wine with Timothy, and

     fast frequently, as St Paul was wont to do. Let not

     therefore your counsellors throw such objections in your

     way. For we know bishops that drink no wine, and monks that

     do; we know bishops that work miracles, and monks that work

     none. Many bishops are not married; and on the other hand

     many monks are fathers of children, and monks that are not

     so; clergy that eat and drink, and monks that fast. For

     these things are at liberty, and no prohibition laid upon

     them. Every one exercises himself as he pleases; for it is

     not men's stations, but their actions, for which they shall

     be crowned.


     This picture of the family life of "monks" and "bishops"

suggests that celibacy for either was optional in the East before

373. Augustine (+ 430), disturbed by the attitude of a group

calling themselves "Apostolics," charged that "they arrogantly

assumed to themselves that name, because they rejected all from

their communion, who had either wives or estates, of which sort

the Catholic Church had many, both monks and clergy". In the 

West also, during the fifth century, there were "monks" who still

exercised their liberty to enjoy family life with their wives and

children, and who continued to hold possessions and property.

These married monks and clerics were members of the universal

Church, but were seeking to live in greater discipline in their

own homes. Augustine vindicated their orthodoxy.


(There is nothing in the NT that teaches we are to punish the

physical body or to be single and never marry - Keith Hunt)


     Now this sort of monk lived side by side with those who had

renounced everything. Some ascetics remained with their families

while others fled into solitude. Still others banded together in

colonies for mutual comfort. In Gaul there are no records that

monks endured the hardships practised in Egypt. Martin was

probably the inspiration for Celtic monasticism. The bee-hive

huts of Ireland have their counterpart in southern Gaul. Out of

this background the monachism of the British Isles probably

developed.


     The earliest reference to "monks and nuns" in Ireland is

found in the writings of Patrick. Vindicating his mission he

noted: "Wherefore then in Ireland they who never had the

knowledge of God, but until now only worshipped idols and

abominations - how has there been lately prepared a people of the

Lord, and they are called children of God? Sons and daughters of

Scottic chieftains are seen to become monks and virgins of

Christ." Patrick wrote this some time during the middle of the

fifth century. If he held ideas of monastic practice then prevalent 

in the West, he probably meant that many young persons

had accepted the Christian challenge of virtuous living. He left

no word of monasteries in which renunciation or asceticism was

followed.


WHEN MONASTICISM IN BRITAIN?


     When the first actual monastic foundation was laid in Celtic

Britain is not known. Ardmore started by Declan and Arran settled

by Enda might have preceded the traditional establishment of

Armagh by Patrick in 445, but the sources are vague. The first

community for which any definite evidence is available was that

which Finnian began at Clonard about 530. During the next fifty

years his disciples, the "Twelve Apostles of Ireland", set up

centres, but the dates are approximate. In 541 Ciaran founded

Clonmacnoise; in 546 Columba established Derry; in 552 Brendan

settled Clonfert in Longford; in 554 or 558 Comgell started

Bangor in Ulster; in 560 Columba began Durrow, and in 563 sailed

away to Iona.


MONASTIC RULE


     Finnian was believed by the hagiographers to have been the

first to have devised some sort of monastic rule, but this has

not survived. Before his time monasteries apparently resembled

Christian missionary village compounds, walled off from the

hostile populace, in which a cross-section of Christian society

lived.


     Western Christian ecclesiastical government, moulded by

Roman civil organization, gradually grew to be metropolitan and

imperial - a central leader with authority over the affairs of

the Churches in his area. Its logical end was the papacy. Celtic

monasticism, on the other hand, was uninfluenced by Roman civil

organization. The Celts lived in a society in which there were no

cities. The Christians were part of innumerable splintered

agrarian tribes. Some consisted of a few dozen persons, while

others were large. Each tribe was ruled by a chief, whose status

depended upon the wealth and size of his clan. In Ireland there

were generally seven grades of chiefs. Occasionally a tribal

leader became a high chief and dominated several septs.

     Into this tribal social structure Christianity penetrated,

and its organization developed along tribal patterns. Eastern

desert monasticism was modified in Gaul, from where it was

probably adapted to the temperament and environment of the far

western Celts, and blended with their tribal form of life.

     The dependence of the Celtic Christians upon Old Testament

legislation has already been noted. From the background of Mosaic

laws they drew their philosophy of community arrangement,

regarding themselves as a tribal theocracy similar to Israel. The

glossator remarked: "Confirm us to thyself, O Lord; we shall say

that we are thy folk, the nation, of God and the people of God."


WHERE MONASTERIES


     Most of the founders of Celtic monasteries chose the sites

for their settlements purposefully. Some were placed in wide and

fertile plains, as was the monastery of Brigit at Kildare, by the

river Liffey. Here flocks and herds grazed and agriculture was

practised. So, too, were situated the settlements of Clonard and

Bangor. The story is told of the concern of Cronan for the

position of his house. On one occasion a royal visitor had been

unable to find him in Sean Ross. Cronan, therefore, moved his

whole establishment to Roscrea, saying, "I shall not remain in a

desert place where strangers and poor folk are unable to find me

readily. But here, by the public highway, I shall live, where

they are able to reach me easily."

     This urge to dispense hospitality to the wayfarer and the

indigent led to the founding of Christian settlements along the

main roads of Ireland. Derry, Kells, Fore in Westmeath,

Clonmacnoise, and Durrow, for instance, were all easily

accessible. This facilitated travelling from one monastic house

to another, and provided shelter and food for pilgrims. Celtic

monastic communities were placed along the main roads of south

Wales also, and in later centuries, all over the Continent.

     Sometimes the monastery was built within the walls of an old

fort. Aedh, the chief of a section of Donegal, gave his cousin

Columba such a location for his church in Derry, and Columbanus

was granted the site of Annergray. But some Celtic religious had

a predilection for islands. Arran early had a Christian

community, probably started in the early sixth century by Enda.

Inisboffin, Inismurray, and Lindisfarne, and many other islands

were so occupied. Illtyd, some time at the close of the fifth

century, was believed to have been the first to settle on Caldy

Island, off the Welsh Pembroke coast. This house enjoyed a wide

reputation because David had been a scholar there.

     Skellig Michael was at once "the most westerly of Christ's

fortresses in the western world", and perhaps the most

dangerously situated. Twelve miles off the south-western tip of

the Kerry coast, perched almost at the top of perpendicular

cliffs some eight hundred feet high, the settlement was located

on a forty-five degree slope about one hundred and eighty feet

long by a hundred wide. The path led up about one hundred feet,

and then six hundred and twenty hand-cut steps, "the way of the

cross", led to the top. The community consisted of the church of

St Michael, oratories, and dwelling huts. There were two wells

and burial grounds in five different places. Margaret Stokes long

ago wrote this moving description of the place:


     The scene is one so solemn and so sad that none should enter

     here but the pilgrim and the penitent. The sense of

     solitude, the vast heaven above and the sublime monotonous

     motions of the sea beneath, would but oppress the spirit,

     were not that spirit brought into harmony with all that is

     most sacred and most grand in nature, by experience.


     The six dwellings of stone, bee-hive shaped, are still

water-proof. The two smaller oratories of corbelled stone are

rectangular inside, but with the outsides rounded. They each have

an east window, and the entry necessitated that the worshipper

stooped to enter. The wall which protected the settlement on the

cliff-side stands on the edge of a sheer precipice. The courage

and skill of its builders fill the beholder with amazement. Some

nine thousand pairs of gannets have nested on the island from

antiquity, so the monks very probably used the eggs and meat they

had to hand. These island locations reveal the Celtic Christian's

love of isolation and his great hardihood and courage.

     The picture of the Celtic monk fleeing from the world to

some secluded place where he might join battle with the devil 

has given rise to the idea that monastic settlements were always

placed in desolate and uninhabited places. But, while there were

such locations, this kind of site was in the minority. Dangerous

and inaccessible regions like Ardillaun or the Skelligs, or

country districts like Glendalough, were chosen, but most of the

settlements were in friendlier, rural places, with trees and

fields and birds' songs for company, as the Celtic Christians

loved the things of nature, and through them gained a sense of

the nearness of God.


     Sometimes, as at Glendalough, the huts were built along the

side of a valley. Here Kevan lived in a cave overhanging the

upper lake of Glendalough. His but could be approached only by a

boat. At other times the huts were ranged around a central green,

while in forested areas the trees were cleared and farm land

cultivated. The Norsemen found these settlements, but no cities,

and attacked and burned them continually. A ninth-century poem

catches the joyous desire of the Celtic Christians for peace and

seclusion:


     I wish, O Son of the living God, O ancient, eternal King,

     For a hidden but in the wilderness that it may be my

     dwelling. An all-grey lithe little lark to be by its side,

     A clear pool to wash away sins through the grace of the Holy

     Spirit.

     Quite near, a beautiful wood around it on every side, ... To

     nurse many-voiced birds, hiding it with its shelter.

     A southern aspect for warmth, a little brook across its

     floor,

     A choice land with many gracious gifts such as be good for

     every plant.

     A few men of sense - we will tell their number

     Humble and obedient, to pray to the King:Four times three,

     three times four, fit for every need, Twice six in the

     church, both north and south

     Six pairs besides myself,

     Praying for ever the King who makes the sunshine.

     A pleasant church and with the linen altar cloth a dwelling

     for God from heaven;

     Then, shining candles above the pure white Scriptures. A

     house for all to go to care for the body,

     Without ribaldry, without boasting, without thought of evil.

     This is the husbandry I would take, I would choose, and will

     not hide it,

     Fragrant leek, hens, salmon, trout, bees.

     Raiment and food enough for me from the King of fair fame,

     And I to be sitting for a while praying God in every place 



     Just as in biblical times the cities were allocated to the

priests and Levites scattered throughout the territories of the

twelve tribes of Israel, so Celtic monastic founders followed the

teaching of the Liber ex Lege Moisi. Wherever they chose to

settle, the Celtic missionaries obtained grants of lands from the

people. This was true not only in Ireland but also in Celtic

communities in Wales, Scotland, north England, and on the

Continent. Many stories furnish evidence for this. Soon after

Patrick came to Ireland, his disciple Lomman converted Feidlimid,

the grandson of Niall. How Lomman obtained a grant of land for

his community was thus chronicled:


     In the morning Fortchern son of Feidlimid went and found

     Lomman with his gospel before him. A marvel to him

     [Fortchern] was the doctrine which he heard. He believed,

     and was baptized by Lomman, ... Feidlimid himself came to

     have speech of Lomman, and he believed, and offered Ath

     Triumm to God, and to Patrick, and to Lomman, and to

     Fortchern.


     The founding of Armagh was on a site donated by Dare. These

lands remained in the hands of the successors of the original

patrons for centuries. The English inquisitors reported at

Lymmavadon in 1609, upon oath, that these lands were handed down

from generation to generation to the successors of these original

recipients.

     This plan was also used by Columba in Scotland, for Brude

"granted Iona to Columba"." Iona, in turn, later responded to the

invitation of King Oswald of Northumbria to send a missioner to

evangelize his subjects. On Aidan's arrival, "the king appointed

the island of Lindisfarne to be his see as he asked". Columbanus

sought and found locations in this way on the Continent.


     Following the Norse invasions and the later re-establishment

of the monastic domains, the new generation of clerics apparently

was hard put to to gain its rights. Tales were invented to

provide angelic authorization for these ancient claims 

Donations of animals and furnishings were also presented to

Celtic settlements. The law tract "Heptads" mentions "a cow which

is given to God". A kitchen utensil or cauldron was donated by

Dare to Patrick, who also bestowed "on him the stead wherein

Armagh stands today". The same tract further notes "land which is

given to a church for one's soul", because of services which the

clerics might render to the people. Should the Church prove

remiss the gift was forfeit. And so by these various means the

wealth of a Celtic religious house increased from generation to 

generation.


TITHING


     Tithing was carried out in early times by the Hebrews. The

practice passed to the Celtic Christians from the Liber ex Lege

Moisi. Giraldus Cambrensis noted a current tradition of the

twelfth century that tithing had been introduced into Britain by

Germanus and Lupus about 445, as well as first-fruits and other

Hebrew offerings: "They give the first piece broken off from

every loaf of bread to the poor ... They give a tenth of all

their property, animals, cattle, and sheep, either when they

marry, or go on a pilgrimage, or, by the counsel of the Church,

are persuaded to amend their lives. This partition of their

effects they call tithe." Cadoc, abbot of Llancarvan, directed

how the tithes should be distributed: "Whoever shall decimate,

ought to divide the property into three parts, and give the first

to the confessor, the second to the altar, and the third to those

who pray for him." Eadbert, the successor of Cuthbert on

Lindisfarne, was "a man who was well known for his knowledge 

of the Scriptures, [and] his obedience to God's Commandments ...

Each year, in accordance with the Law, he used to give a tenth of

all beasts, grain, fruit, and clothing to the poor." The Brehon

regulations appear to be an application of Malachi's message 

of a blessing on those who were faithful in tithing. Celtic

legislators noted the antidote to "the three periods at which the

world is worthless: the time of a plague; the time of a general

war; the dissolution of express contracts"; and then pointed out

that "there are three things which remedy them: tithes, and

first-fruits, and alms; they prevent the occurrence of plague;

... war; and they confirm all in their good contracts." These

tithes and first-fruits and alms were carefully defined in the

laws: "Tithes, i.e. with limitations [the amount is limited or

specified]. Firstfruits, i.e. the first of the gathering of each

new fruit, i.e. every first calf, and every first lamb, and

everything that is first born to a man. Alms, i.e. without

limitation, or charity." These regulations of the law tracts,

which applied the teaching of the Liber ex Lege Moisi, were

reinforced by the penitential books. The Irish Canons present a

picture of the Celtic methods of payment: the tithes should be

presented annually from the fruits of the ground, "since they

spring up each year". This applied also to "animals and humans,

since we have the benefits of the same every year". Nothing was

exempt from tithing: the produce of flock and herd and garden 

and field. Even the children in the family were tithed. When a 

father had ten sons, he was required to present one to the Church. 

The method used to determine which son should be given as tithe 

was a curious Celtic one. After the presentation of his firstborn as

the first-fruits, nothing [is] due from him [the father] afterwards 

until he has ten sons; and when he has, lots are to be cast between 

the seven best sons of them, and the three worst are to be set aside

[exempted] from the lot-casting; and the reason they are set aside 

is in order that the worst may not fall to the church. And the son 

who is selected has become the tenth, or as the firstborn to the 

church; he obtains as much of the legacy of his father after the 

death  of his father as every lawful son which the mother has, 

and he is to be on his own land outside, and he renders the service 

of a saer stock [free user of the land] tenant to the church, and let 

the church teach him learning, for he shall obtain more of a divine 

legacy than of a legacy not divine. 


     Should the family grow very large the father was also required 

to pay "every tenth birth afterwards, with a lot between every 

two sevens". This rule greatly increased the wealth of the

monastic settlements.


FIRST-FRUITS


     The dependence of the Celtic Church on the Liber ex Lege

Moisi is further illustrated by the way in which the first-fruits

were paid. "First-fruits are whatever is born of the flocks

before others are born" in a given year. All "these things ought

to be presented at the beginning of harvest, and they were

offered once in the year to the priests at Jerusalem", the

penitential, the Irish Canons, continued. "Nowadays, however,

each person [pays] to the monastery of which he is a monk." It

should be noted that it was to the custom of the Hebrews, and not

to the church traditions, that this appeal to authority was made.

The laws required that a man's property be divided carefully, and

"one-third of every legacy" be presented to the Church at his

death." Besides these regular contributions to those who

ministered, later practices enlarged the offering made by the

"tribe of the people" to the "tribe of the church":


     Any church in which there is no service to manach tenants

     for baptism and communion and the singing of the

     intercession; it is not entitled to tithes or to the heriot

     cow or to a third of each bequest.


     But even more than all this was required of the people for

the support of those who ministered to them in the Church:


     Any church in which there is an ordained man of the small

     churches of the tribe apart from the great churches, he is

     entitled to the wage of his order, that is, house, and

     enclosure and bed and clothing, and his ration that is

     sufficient for him, without exemption, without neglect of

     all that is in the power of the church, that is, a sack with

     its  "kitchen", and a milch cow each quarter, and the food

     for festivals.


     While the tribe was responsible for these items, each member

was required to make his personal contribution: "These are his"

reciprocal duties to the ordained man: a proper day's ploughing

each year, and with its seed and its arable land, and half of

clothes for mantle or for shirt or for tunic. Dinner for four at

Christmas and Easter and Pentecost." This comparatively late

"rule" fathered on Patrick some practices which evidently had

grown up following the Norse raids.

     Celtic laws, especially Irish laws, were half secular, half

ecclesiastical. Occasionally a monastic leader would formulate 

2 code which would prove beneficial to the people. Irish writers

frequently allude to what they designate "the four laws of

Ireland": "These are the four cana of Ireland: Patrick's law not

to kill the clergy; and Adamnan's law, not to kill women; Daire's

law not to kill or steal cattle; and the law of Sunday, not to

transgress thereon." 


(We notice here how Sunday had become a holy day TO THEM. 

They did not teach that the 4th commandment was "done away" 

but that it was changed from Saturday to Sunday - Keith Hunt)  


     Besides these there are records of several other laws.

     Evidently the populace showed their appreciation for the

results of these enactments by giving offerings to those who

framed them. The monastic settlement which inherited the rights

of the founder and legislator soon discovered that its revenues

might be augmented by reminding the people of these benefits.

There are many references in the Annals of tours made by the

heirs of saints to promulgate these "laws" again and again.

     Occasionally the "relics" of the saints would then be taken

along if he had not framed a law, and these would be used for

raising revenue. The great fairs were special occasions on which

the people were persuaded to pay their dues. In fact the Irish

word "cain" made the double meaning of "law" as well as "tax" 

or "tribute". By this means the wealth of the monastery was still

further augmented. The cemetery of a saint was considered a

privileged spot, and one who was buried in such a place would 

not go to hell. The greater the reputation of the saint, the greater

wealth would thus accrue to his settlement through burial dues.

     But these customs grew up after the times of the Norse

incursions.


FROM WHOM THEY ACCEPTED ARMS


     The Celtic ecclesiastics had rigid views regarding those from 

whom they might accept alms. These "shall not be accepted

from any Christian who has been excommunicated." It was further

stipulated that "it is not permitted to the Church to accept alms

from pagans". But these strict regulations were later modified

"Be content with thy clothing and food; reject other things that

are the gifts of the wicked since the lamp takes nothing but that

by which it is fed." Later legislators went farther. The gifts which 

Nebuchadnezzar presented to Daniel were cited as precedent

for taking whatever a pagan might offer. J. Kenney observed that

this was the decision of the Roman party in the Celtic Church,

and paralleled Theodore's attempts to reverse the rulings of the

strictly Celtic penitential requirements.

     The Old-Irish glossator left comments suggesting opposition

to mendicancy. On St Paul's words, "Do your own business", he re-

marked "that ye be not a-begging", adding: "These are other

things now which he blames here, namely, unsteadiness and

indolence and mendicancy; he beseeches them, then, that these

sins may not be with them", continuing, "we have not been

restless in begging from you". Commenting on the Apostle's phrase

"slow bellies", the Irishman deprecated clerics who were sluggish

at service, and who were constantly begging for dinners. The

penitential of Finnian went as far as to stipulate that monks who

baptized should not receive alms for their services.


GROWING WEALTHY


     It is not difficult to see that from all these sources of income 

some settlements might grow enormously wealthy. Here is a

picture of the status of one saint which gives an idea of the

position of a church leader in his locality:


     In the days of Lent, Saint Cadoc was accustomed to reside in

     two islands, Barreu and Echni. On Palm Sunday, he came to

     Nantcarvan, and there remained, performing Paschal service,

     feeding daily one hundred clergymen, and one hundred

     soldiers, and one hundred workmen, and one hundred poor

     persons, with the same number of widows. This was the number

     of his family, besides serving attendants and esquires and

     well-dressed guests, the number of which was uncertain, a

     multitude of whom frequently came to him. Nor is it to be

     wondered at, for being rich he was able to feed so many,

     being an Abbot and a Prince over the territory of his

     progenitor; from Fynnon Hen, that is, from the Old Fountain,

     as far as the river Rhymny; and he possessed all the

     territory from the river Gulich to the river Nadauan, from

     Pentyrch direct to the valley of Nantcarvan; and from that

     valley to the Gurimi, that is the Lesser Rhymny, toward the

     sea.


     He certainly was wealthy and generous, a prince of people

and Church. The impression left by the records is that during the

early centuries Celtic clerics kept aloof from pagans, not even

accepting their alms. Only after pagans became believers would

they receive gifts of land or produce from them. In later centuries, 

however, they not only solicited alms, but often even "cursed" any 

who refused. The pious, hard working missionary finally gave way 

to the wandering mendicant, who, repudiating the earlier philosophy 

of his Church, begged in place of toiling for food and lodging.


(And so today we have "ministries" that have become physically

wealthy, and whose ministers often live the physical life that we

think only millionaires can live - Keith Hunt)


THE PHYSICAL BUILDINGS


     No monastic settlement had all the buildings which are here

to be described. The larger colonies probably had most, while in

the smaller ones the buildings were greatly limited. Celtic

monasteries had no communal dormitories. Each person, or perhaps

each family on occasion, had an individual cell, which was made

of wattles and plastered. The shape of the cell was round, and of

the simplest form. The monk lived, worked, wrote, and studied in

his hut. Sometimes caves were chosen in place of buildings. The

Christian hung up his bag containing his books. His bed was the

most rudimentary, the more ascetic preferring to sleep on the

ground with a stone pillow, in imitation of Jacob. Skins helped

to keep him warm on a floor carpeted with straw.

     In larger monasteries there was a separate refectory in which 

the family of religious ate communal meals. These were also

built of wattles and poles or planks. Stone was used when the

more easily worked materials were not at hand. Hospitality was

shared generously, Ciaran's case being typical of the larger places:


     Full fifty and a hundred Ciaran's Dun used to feed, Both

     guests, and weaklings, And folk of the refectory and upper

     room."


     W. Stokes suggested that the word translated "upper room" is

derived from the Irish term for sun, and might indicate a

solarium. He could not find this word used elsewhere, and felt

that it probably indicated a flat roof on which meals might be

taken during good weather. The older brethren dined below, and

hence two categories were mentioned in the poem. During

mealtimes, at least on more solemn occasions, some member of 

the society might read a sermon or a portion oś the Scriptures to

those who "eat when preached unto".


     Near the refectory was a kitchen, where a fire was kept

burning constantly. This had been blessed and was held to be

sacred, and was never to be extinguished. One of Ciaran's

disciples failed in his duty and allowed the fire to go out. The

Devil was believed to have instigated this lapse. "Ciaran of

Saigir said that he would not partake of food until guests should

come and bring him fire." Presently fire was brought down from

heaven, and all was well! Close to the kitchen was generally a

supply of water, a spring or stream, or even a well. On occasion

there might also be a pool in which the monks might refresh

themselves by washing their hands and feet after toiling in the

fields. Once King Lugaid demanded taxes from Senan, who had

refused. The king, wishing to get even with the recalcitrant holy

man, ordered his horse to be maintained by the saint in lieu of

the levy: "'Take ye my racehorse to the cleric, and let it be fed

on corn with him.' Thereafter the horse was brought to Senan and

he was put into the pool of the refectory to be washed, and the

horse was immediately drowned in the pool." Cattle evidently 

were permitted to refresh themselves at such pools.


     As the size of the monastic community increased, the need

for a guest-house became imperative. The Rule of Ailbe

recommended "a clean house for the guests and big fire, washing

and bathing for them, and a couch without sorrow". What a

charming picture of simple hospitality. At the end of a long

journey, foot-sore, cold, and dirty, what more would the simple

pilgrim need? Hospitality was an inflexible rule of all Celtic

settlements. Dire penalties were to be inflicted on those who

failed to supply the wants of the needy.


HOUSE OF WORSHIP


     The Celtic house of worship was a very small structure. The

dying Ciaran was carried to his "little church". Its shape was

generally round, although some oratories were rectangular. There

was at least one church to each Christian settlement, but there

might be two or even seven. Like the huts of the people, churches

were constructed of stakes driven into the ground. Between these

were fixed woven wattle screens. The interstices were plastered,

and with Celtic artistry were probably decorated. No traces of

these buildings survive. Where large trees were available,

churches were made of planks. Finian sent his monks "into the

wood to cut trees for the church". At Iona "oak timbers" were

hauled in for this purpose. The oratory which the brethren from

Iona built on Lindisfarne was of "hewn oak thatched with reeds

after the Scots' manner". Straw might also be used for roofs, or

where unavailable, sods were substituted. Very rarely is a

"church built of stone" mentioned in the sources. One such was on

an island reached by Brendan. The wattle rods were "peeled" to

prevent termites lodging under the bark. Windows and doors must

have been of the most rudimentary sort.


     Architects and craftsmen were employed whenever they were 

at hand. When Cadoc was erecting a church, those who were felling

the trees for timber were joined by "a certain Irishman, named

Linguri, a stranger, but a skilful architect, being forced by poverty, 

[he) came to him with his children, that by the practice of his skill, 

he might procure food for himself and family, and he was gladly 

received by the man of God, and engaging in the work. . ." 

His  assistance was appreciated by all.


PENANCE CELLS


     Penitential cells also appear to have been provided in

certain monasteries. Those under conviction of sin might retire

to these either voluntarily or under the advice of a soul-friend.

The OldIrish Penitential declared that the habitually

ill-tempered reviler should be "expelled from the church to a

place of penance". While this does not specify a special cell,

this is probable. The penitential cell would in all likelihood be

situated in a secluded spot. The mention of "dark houses" might

also refer to them. De Arreis connects "hard penance" with a

"dark house or in some other place where no hindrance comes".

     This retreat might also be called a "stone prison" for prayer.


CELLS FOR THE SICK AND 

FOSTER CHILDREN


     The floors of churches appear to have been covered with

straw, hence great care was to be exercised not to drop any holy

thing, such as Communion bread, or any valuable thing into it.

The larger communities would also contain cells for anchorites,

infirmaries for the sick, and homes for the foster children who

were cared for by the monastery. There would also be a separate

school house in which pupils were taught in bad weather. At

Tallaght there was a "lecture room".


DEDICATION SERVICE


     Before the church or settlement was occupied, it was always

piously and ceremoniously dedicated to the service of God. The

story illustrating one such ceremony of consecration has been

preserved: "Now after that Senan and the angels went

right-hand-wise round the island till they came again to the Height

of the Angels, after they had consecrated the island." Innis

Cathaigh was the monastic settlement of Senan. The survival of

this pagan practice in Celtic Christian ritual is evidence of the

pervasive and persistent influence of heathenism. This, however,

was not the usual method. A fast of forty days, with earnest

prayer for divine blessings, was the more common way. Bede

described how Lastingham was dedicated to God by just such a

ceremony. Another way was for a high ecclesiastical official to

come and carry out the solemnity. An early penitential, that

attributed to Patrick, ruled that "if anyone of the presbyters

builds a church, he shall not offer [the sacrifice in it] before

he brings his bishop that he may consecrate it; for this is proper". 

At the time of its dedication the place of worship was probably 

given a name. This, in the early Celtic period, was the name of 

its founder, and not that of some honoured personage. J. Haly 

pointed out that, with a great deal of probability,


     it is at present easy to tell by the name whether a church

     has been founded before or after the Anglo-Norman invasion.

     If it be a church of Patrick, Columba, Kevin, or any Irish

     saint, it is almost certainly pre-Norman, and it is so

     called because the saint named founded, or is supposed to

     have founded, a church on that spot. But if it bear the name

     of St Mary, or St Peter, or any saint not associated with

     Ireland itself, there need be no hesitation in deciding that

     its origin is to be overlooked for in that period when the

     combined influence of Rome and England was changing the old

     institutions.

 

     Of course there would be exceptions to this distinction in

modern times, but it seems to have been true for the Celtic period.


CALLED CITIES


     These Christian walled settlements were called "cities".

Brigit's Kildare was called "the city of Brigit", and Clonmacnoise 

was known as "the city of Ciaran". This procedure recalls an 

Old Testament custom: Jerusalem was known as the "city

of David". These settlements had no cloistered court and no

common refectory or sleeping room. Each monk, as has been 

noted, had his separate cell or cottage, where he might live with his

family if he chose. The whole group of separate buildings was

surrounded by a wall or cashel. It was this which imparted a kind

of coenobitic touch to the encampment. The absence of one large

church is another notable feature. The foundation was in the

nature of a laura or separate huts in which each provided for

himself, rather than a coenobium in which the familia had all

things in common, sleeping, eating accommodations, and with 

joint ownership of property.

     The limits of these "cities" or estates which had been given

for ecclesiastical purposes were carefully and clearly marked.

This Celtic practice, with its ramifications, may be traced to

the Liber ex Lege Moisi. The Old Testament legislation which 

had to do with the cities of the priests and Levites, contained this

directive:


     Command the children of Israel, that they give unto the

     Levites of the inheritance of their possession cities to

     dwell in; and ye shall give also unto the Levites suburbs

     for the cities round about them ... from the wall of the

     city and outward a thousand cubits round about ... (Num.

     35.2-5).


     The old law tract Precincts reads almost like a paraphrase

of this Old Testament statement, the cubit giving place to the

pace: "One thousand paces is the extent of the precinct of a

saint, or a bishop, or a hermit, or a pilgrim, if it be in the

plain, and two thousand paces from the precinct of every noble

cathedral." While the general principle holds good in the cases

for which records exist, the exact extent of land which belonged

to a church varied from place to place. For instance: "Then did

Conall measure out a church for God and for Patrick with sixty

feet of his feet. And Patrick said: 'Whosoever of thy offspring

shall take from this church, his reign will not be long and will

not be firm.' Then he measured Rath Airthir with (?) his crozier.

Instead of the cubit the Celtic ecclesiastic here used his pace.

Patrick was also believed to have measured Ferta with his feet:


     The way in which Patrick measured the rath was this-the

     angel before him and Patrick behind the angel; with his

     household and with Ireland's elders, and Jesu's staff in

     Patrick's hand; and he said that great would be the crime of

     him who should sin therein, even as great would be the

     guerdon of him who should do God's will therein.

     In this wise, then, Patrick measured the Ferta, namely seven

     score feet in the enclosure, and seven and twenty feet in

     the greathouse, and seventeen feet in the kitchen, seven

     feet in the oratory; and in that wise it was that he used to

     found the cloisters always.


     But these comminatory stories probably sought to establish a

custom which had grown up later and needed Patrician

authorization. Only one dimension is given for each edifice,

probably because the buildings and their enclosure were circular.

While Patrick was said to have measured his settlements in this

way, neither archaeological nor written records corroborate this

fact. However, at Ardoilean, an island off the Galway coast, the

area within the walls was roughly rectangular, approximately 115

feet by 70 feet. Other monastic ruins have been found enclosed

within irregularly shaped walls.


WALLS


     The nature of these walls varied with the purpose for the

barriers. The simplest was a hedge or fence to keep the cattle

belonging to the tribe of the church from straying, and to

prevent the animals of the tribe of the people trespassing. 

There were many variants. At Lindisfarne the rampart was 

of stones held together by sods. Becan also built a stone wall 

around his settlement. At Neendrum the palisades are very 

considerable, consisting of three concentric walls, roughly circular. 

They apparently date from pre-Christian times, and were used by 

later Christian occupants of the site. The walls of Tara present a

similar view. The bounds of a Christian steading at Dundesert,

County Antrim, consisted of a trench around the walls that used

to be about 


     the breadth of a moderate road; and the earth which had been

     cleared out of it was banked up inside as a ditch, carrying

     up the slope to about the height of sixteen or twenty feet

     from the bottom. The whole face of the slope was covered

     with large stones, embedded in the earth. Concentric with

     this enclosure, and at about the interval of seven yards,

     was another fosse, having a rampart on the inner side,

     similarly constructed, and on the area enclosed by this

     stood the church, east and west, 90 feet long and 30 wide.

     The ruined walls were about six feet high and five thick.

     The burial ground was principally at the east end of the

     building, and the whole space outside the walls was covered

     with loose stones. The two entrances were of about the same

     breadth as the fosse, and were paved with large flat stones,

     but they had no remains of a gateway.


     This structure was obviously built for defence. Ditches,

walls, and palisades, all speak of purposes other than worship.

When need arose, the enclosure was used as a place of sanctuary

for the fugitive and for the safety of its regular inhabitants.

The walls were sometimes built by the saints themselves. On one

occasion when visitors "arrived, thus they found Becan, building

a stone wall, with a wet sheet around him, and praying at the

same time".


GATES OR ENTRIES


     Within the walls the property was sacrosanct. Originally

granted as the home of the patron saint the law stipulated that

the refuge was to extend "on every side, that is their inviolable

precinct", that is, there was not to be unauthorized "entry into

a church over its mound". The number of gateways varied. Into the

monastery court of Ardoilean there were no fewer than four

entries. Frequently crosses were placed directly at the entrances

as reminders that the area was sacred. At the west gate of

Monasterboice stood a magnificant cross; in fact three Celtic

crosses survive there to this day. Often, however, only a stone

pillar, marked with a rude carving of a cross, indicated the way

into the holy place, as on Skellig Michael. It was an Old

Testament custom to set up a pillar to mark a boundary between

two parties, and to indicate a holy place. The monastic "cities"

were evidently regarded as fulfilments of the Hebrew "cities of

refuge" through which God's will might be carried out for all

peoples.

..........


NOTE:


WE  SEE  HERE  THE  IDEAS  OF  MEN  AS  THEY  TOOK  SHAPE  UNDER 

THE  NOW  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH  AS  IT  ARRIVED 

INTO  BRITAIN.


THE  NT  AND  THE  BOOK  OF  ACTS  GIVES  NO  EXAMPLE  OR 

TEACHING  THAT  SUCH  MONASTIC  TOWNS  OR  CITIES  SHOULD  BE 

BUILT  BY  CHRISTIANS.  THE  TEACHING  OF  THE  NT  IS  THAT 

CHRISTIANS  ARE  ***IN  THE  WORLD***  BUT  ***NOT  A  PART  OF 

THE  WORLD***  AND  WE  ARE  TO  LET  OUR  LIGHT  SHINE  SO  ALL 

AROUND  US  CAN  SEE  THE  LIGHT  OF  CHRIST  IN  US.  THAT 

LIGHT  CANNOT  SHINE  TO  THE  WORLD  IF  CHRISTIANS  ARE 

ENCLOSED  WITHIN  THE  WALLS  OF  TOWNS  OR  CITIES  OR 

MONASTERIES.


Keith Hunt


To be continued with "Monasteries"


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